Make 2024 Modi vs Priyanka and get me the popcorn

This Sunday something extraordinary happened. The entire counting day, I did not have a single drop of whiskey. You will be wondering if I had vodka or gin, but let me assure you I did not touch alcohol. And it helped me see the elections for what they are. So here are my takeaways, not coloured by any shades of the bottle.

Modi magic

For the first time since 2014, Narendra Modi was not the biggest factor in an election. Unlike earlier elections, we didn’t see planted reports in the media that claimed how Modi turned things around in the last one week with his magnificent oratory and spectacular roadshows. One big sign that even the BJP was cagey about putting the PM in the front. But seeing how things turned out, Modi won the elections for the BJP in two states - in Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh, where ED too probably did its bit with its election-eve raids and arrests. Madhya Pradesh was won by a cornered Shivraj Singh Chouhan.

The 3-0 sweep of Hindi heartland however has added further to the Modi aura. It will inspire BJP voters and workers and demotivate Congress workers. Invincible Modi is the branding that is getting traction.


Cong clueless in Madhya Pradesh

If Chhindwara was a state, then Kamal Nath would be its CM. The trouble is Chhindwara is not a state, and outside of Chhindwara, Kamal Nath doesn’t have much appeal. Kamal Nath has been around since 1975 when emergency was imposed. If he had to become a CM, he would have become one in the 50 years or so he has been in politics. The other leader Digvijaya Singh, became a CM in his 40s. He is keeping the seat warm for his son, possibly to make a serious bid for power in the next elections. In 2018, the Congress had all the regions covered with the Scindia-Digvijaya-Kamal Nath trio. But after the elections, the old guard smoked out Scindia or Scindia walked out for a bungalow and power in Delhi, whichever version you want to believe. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra was their best bet, and the punt failed.

Hindutva

2014 was a vote for Vikas, 2019 was a vote for Hindutva-plus, but 2024 will be a vote on governance. Many analysts will say the Congress lost the three states in the Hindi heartland because of Hindutva, because of Udhayanidhi Stalin’s comment on Sanatan Dharma. That is the easiest excuse to make. The Congress vote share in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh has remained roughly the same. No Hindus switched their votes from the Congress to punish the party and save the religion. In Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, the vote share of other parties came down and the BJP was the beneficiary. Leaders like Kamal Nath, Bhupesh Baghel feared Hindutva so much, they got busy making schemes for gauraksha and gobar and lost the larger plot.

We should remember that Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, P.V. Narasimha Rao – all of them pandered to Hindu sentiments. Sonia Gandhi brought a kind of liberalism into politics which helped the BJP play the “Hindu khatre me” card. She also brought in the concept of rights-based governance in a society where people are used to mai-baap culture. Ten years later, the BJP has occupied the national party space, reducing the Congress to a few states.

Today the non-core Hindu voters of the BJP feel their religion is safe under Modi, they are voting for Modi because they think he is doing a great job. Now, what you think are failures of the Modi govt in matters of governance are being seen as good policy by these voters. Remember even deaths during second Covid wave and demonetization did not change the view of these voters despite suffering so much pain and loss.

Hindutva has run its course. It has saturated in many parts but will find some growth areas too. But if the BJP wins 2024 it will be because the voter likes Modi’s governance.

North-South divide

The North-South divide is real and has been there forever. Make no mistake, Hindutva has takers in South India too. At some point the BJP will open its account in Kerala and it could become the principal opposition in Telangana or Andhra Pradesh. Hindutva can help the BJP attain a critical mass, like in Karnataka, but the party will have to look beyond Hindutva to rule the southern states.

One reason is that people of these states have strong feelings about their culture. Any attempt to impose one shade of Hinduism will meet with stiff resistance from them.

The Congress, however, can’t give the North-South divide as a reason for their failings. Instead they should export the energy and enthusiasm shown by its cadres and leaders in Karnataka and Telangana to north India.

After all what is the use of contesting elections if you have already given up the fight? If that is the case Congress might as well shut shop and go home.

Caste census

The caste card remains the biggest antidote to Hindutva. Analysts will say it didn’t work in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. These states though were not affected by the caste politics in the Nineties though, why should they be now? Caste census is an issue for Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, the original Mandal vs Mandir battleground. More than the Congress, it is an issue tailormade for parties like the SP and RJD.

Priyanka factor

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra remains the best communicator the Congress has. Rahul Gandhi can walk all that he wants, but he is unable to send his message across effectively. His image among many Congress sympathizers is that of a ‘nice boy not meant for politics’.

Unlike Rahul, whose every statement is distorted, his sister has a knack of effectively countering her rivals’ political attacks. Her punchy dialogues at election rallies in Karnataka have defanged the victim card played by Modi very often during elections. She merely asked, “How can a man who has been in power for so many years, flies superjets, come to you complaining about insults instead of listening to your troubles?”

Brand Priyanka is no match for Brand Modi, but it is the best Cong has today.

Modi is India, India is Modi

When Narendra Modi speaks in Parliament, which is rare, everyone listens. His fans, his critics, his trolls, pretty much everyone. And he never lets us down.

This week, the PM spoke his mind, wearing a jacket of recycled plastic according to his PR machinery, but evidently the man himself thought it was Teflon. The speech exuded such confidence.

There are two ways I listen to his speech. One, I read between the lines. Two, I do not read between the lines. Then, by now you all know, I employ the good old Sherlock Holmes principle - When you have eliminated all which is impossible, then whatever remains, however improbable, must be the truth. 

So when Modi said, “If Nehru is such a great man, why are his grandkids and great grand kids not using the Nehru surname”, many took it as another attempt to belittle the country’s first prime minister, an intellectual giant, the kind of who we rarely see. But not me. 

I thought and over-thought the remark in my head many times over. I dissected it with scalpel blade 15. And finally came to a conclusion.

Suppose Indira Priyadarshini had retained her father’s surname instead of adding her husband’s after marriage. Suppose Indira’s sons took their mother’s surname instead of their father’s. Too many suppositions, I know, but you must not lose track. Suppose their kids took their surname from their mothers instead of their father. It would have been a tremendous strike at the root of patriarchy coming straight from the First Family of India. Now the Leader’s statement starts making sense. Immense sense.

Not everything Modi said came coded in Greek. Most of it was plainspeak.

He said the UPA converted every opportunity into a scam. Isn’t that true? Even when there was no scam, Manmohan Singh’s partymen told us there is one, to polish the heir apparent’s resume, to present him as the hero who will set all things that are wrong with the UPA right. For some strange reason the heir refused to join the govt and clean up the mess, instead waiting for the elections. The voter had different ideas. 

The most controversial bits in Modi’s speeches came in two parts over two days.

“The country trusts me and not the abuses and accusations you throw at me.”

“Ek akela kitno pe bhaari pad raha hai.”

He is just being truthful.

If hours long queues to take money out of ATM could not unseat him, if thousands of deaths caused by oxygen shortage could not unseat his party in Uttar Pradesh, nothing else will. Definitely not a businessman out to make some quick buck. 

Nor a cross-country yatra to unite the country. For starters, how do you unite a country where the majority feels there are no divisions.

The likes of Mani Shankar Aiyar and Chidambaram and Jairam Ramesh will remind you how JP dethroned Indira and how VP Singh defeated Rajiv Gandhi.

There is a big difference.

Indira made an enemy of every Opposition leader. All of them ganged up with the common aim of toppling her and with personal ambitions of becoming PM.

Her son was no great politician and opposition had the self-belief – if Indira can be defeated, then Rajiv certainly can be.  

Modi has learnt from the mistakes of Indira, Rajiv and Manmohan.

One, don’t give opposition leaders a reason to gang up against him. So he will give Naveen Patnaik, Jagan Reddy, K Chandrasekhar Rao, Akhilesh Yadav, etc their free space at the state level. The opposition is perennially divided.

Two, rule with an iron fist when you have such a brutal majority. Rajiv suffered because VP Singh, right under his nose, turned against him, rather the PM allowed him to.  

Three, never let the public get even a whiff of a scam even if there is one. Ignore charges being leveled by the Opposition unlike Manmohan who would sack ministers and order investigations. Modi has one advantage. The fear factor. From the fourth estate to pretty much every estate, no one dare point a finger at him. 

Modi is bigger than the BJP. Modi is bigger than the RSS. The trouble is he knows it, though his modesty doesn’t let him say so openly.

 “Ek akela kitno pe bhaari pad raha hai.”

When Modi said that, thumping his Chappan Chaathi multiple times, his party colleagues in the ministry and Parliament, stood up to give him an ovation. As they did that, they saw something we didn’t on the TV, thanks to their privileged seats right next to the PM. They spotted the Halo.

To them, and sadly many more outside, Modi is India and India is Modi. 

Ek akela aadmi sab pe bhaari.

Post script : After all, the investors who put money in the group did so, not because India is a land of opportunities, but because of the promoters' proximity to the PM. 

Who will be the Angry Young Man of Indian politics?

India vs Bharat. It’s a political slogan but it’s truer than ever before. We must accept there are two Indias.

Just think. 

The only time I travel by train or bus is when I am in Kerala. 

When I need grocery or vegetables I book online. 

Most of us middle class rarely get to see Bharat or know its share of problems. 

The only time we do that is when we take an Uber or Ola cab and strike a conversation with the driver. Or when there is whitewash or construction work on at home. 

When such an opportunity presented itself recently, I decided to take up the most pressing issue these days. 

Why are Pushpa and KGF super-duper hits when Hindi films are tanking at the box office?

The cab driver was very clear. “Hindi films bekaar ho gaye hain. Dekho to south ke films dekho.”

He then gave me a tip, “If you happen to be down, just watch Pushpa or KGF. It will lift your mood.”

“Why not RRR,” I asked. 

“RRR bakwas hai, aap Pushpa aur KGF dekho.”

As I got out of the cab, he said, “Pushpa Part 2 will be better. Some new villain has come His name is Shekhawat. But Pushpa is a proud man. I fear he will die in the next part.”

The painters at my house concurred with the cab driver.

I acted on their advice and watched Pushpa and RRR and bits of KGF.

Pushpa is a kolamass film. So is KGF. Both have punch dialogues and action.

Now RRR is tricky. RRR is a patriotic film that ends with the protagonists becoming Ram and Bheem to finish off the British colonizers. Of the three films this one has better special effects. It is a raging hit among the middle class. Then why were the cab driver, carpenters and painters gushing over Pushpa and KGF more than RRR?

This became a hot topic in our weekend drinking session. 

After three large pegs, we started to see light. 

“Many Hindi films that have released over the last few months have also been patriotic films and turned out to be duds,” pointed out one. 

“We are being fed patriotism round the clock on news TV free of cost.  After this we are expected to pay to see more patriotism in the theatres,” explained another, “We want to forget our worries and enjoy a bit. Pushpa and KGF do that.” 

“There is more to Pushpa and KGF,” the wise one among the drinkers theorised, “Heroes in both films are taking on the establishment. They are the Angry Young Men of today.”

He then down another double large and extrapolated further, “There is anger in society. The question is who will channelize it.”

We then downed a couple more pegs and moved on to weightier issues like legalizing cannabis.  

Shane Warne – the Spinner With Hunter’s Instincts

(This is entirely written from memory, excuse the masala if any)

He would zero in on the prey slowly, patiently, stealthily, before delivering the killer blow at the least expected moment. Shane Warne was a spinner with hunter’s instincts.  

His dismissal of Sachin Tendulkar in a Test in Australia best illustrates the description. Delivery after delivery, he pitched leg breaks on the middle stump or off stump. Tendulkar would go on the front foot and leave it, watching the ball turn away from him safely.  Warne kept at it, it seemed, forever. Tendulkar did the same.  The cat and mouse game went on for some time. And then Warne bowled a flipper. It pitched on the middle stump and went straight. Tendulkar once again left the ball, expecting a leg break, only to be caught LBW.

Warne was a natural at mind games.

Last ball of the day. Pakistan’s Basit Ali at the crease. Warne calls the captain, changes the field, shuffles the players around. Quite pointless it would seem given that it is the last ball of the day. Basit only has one thing to do – that is not get out. Warne is about to start, but stops. He decides to bowl round the wicket. Again quite pointless given that it is the last ball of the day. And Basit decides to do what he has to do – come what may, don’t get out. In his mind, Basit has decided he will block the ball with his legs. He can’t get out LBW to a ball pitched outside the leg stump. He can’t get out giving a catch if he blocking the ball with his leg. Very simple, very logical, very clever, very doable. Warne comes, bowls into the rough patch, Basit moves his left leg but suspects it is not in line with the ball, so moves his leg again, in the meantime the ball has gone through his legs and hit the stumps.

That was Warne.

Watching him play, you felt the same excitement you got watching Malcom Marshall, Michael Holding, Curtly Ambrose, Wasim Akram, Waqar Younis, Dennis Lillee…. Warne was a spinner with fast bowler’s aggression.

When Warne is on the field, there is fear among the rivals, and expectancy among fans, that something is about to happen.

1999 - the World Cup Australia came back from behind to win. Some of the credit goes Warne’s inspiring pep talks. We saw flashes of that brilliant mind in the first IPL, when he led a mediocre Rajasthan Royals to a title win.

Shane Warne was the best captain Australia never had.

Everyone knows about the ball of the century. No need to retell that story. I don’t know about Gatting, but even now fans like us have not come to terms with that dismissal. How can one bowl over the wicket, hit the pitch outside the leg stump, and turn the ball enough to clip the bail on the offstump? That is perfection measured in nanometers. One degree lesser turn, the ball hits the bat, one degree more, it misses the stump. You can calculate the angle and height of the delivery with scale and protractor for hours but you can’t crack that one mate. Not for nothing was it called the ball of the century.

Warne was a true magician.

KPAC, the name is enough

I don’t know much about KPAC Lalitha except what I have read in the newspapers. 

I haven’t met her or spoken to her over the phone.

I don’t how she prepares for the roles she plays or the process she follows.

What I know is that what we get to see on the screen is brilliantly natural. So natural it seems it’s all happening in front of us in flesh and blood.

The tears, the laughter, the smirk, the mannerisms, everything looks so real.

As I mentioned, I don’t know much about KPAC. Then why should I write about her.

We grew up watching her. If we saw moms and grandmoms in Kaviyoor Ponnamma and Sukumary, KPAC was more an elder sister to us. You felt a warmth in her presence. Oh, the power of cinema!

When she died, we all felt that tinge of pain, like we lost someone close.

I don’t know much about KPAC, but how can I not say good bye to her?

Today in his tribute, Mohanlal mentions KPAC’s (the mother) narration of the tragic death of the heroine’s father at her own hands in the film Sanmanassullavarku Samadhanam. While we ordinary film lovers don’t know the trickery filmmakers play with flashbacks, what we know is we listened to KPAC living that moment, some in tears.

KPAC was a unique talent. If Sachin Tendulkar could play any delivery 10 different ways, KPAC could play the same role in a hundred different ways. That is why we never got bored with her.

If the best actor award went to the best actor instead of best heroes and heroines, KPAC would have won it every year, year after year.

That would seem a little exaggerated, but you get the drift.

Athu thanne.

The mystery of the hijab fight

This week we got to re-learn many things which we thought were things of the past which we needn’t worry about in this age and century. For instance the difference between a hijab, abaya, burqa, etc. These are things we worry about when we go to the Gulf. 

Here in India it never occurred to me to know which is what.

This week we saw teenage girls protesting on campuses to wear the hijab and teenage boys protesting to stop them from wearing it. Just writing that sentence made me laugh.

Headscarves among Muslim students are common in Kerala, and probably in other southern states. We won’t get to know why college authorities in Karnataka, one by one, banned it in classrooms.  We also won’t know why the girls chose to protest so vehemently. But both happened days before elections in Uttar Pradesh so naturally many are adding 2 and 2 to guess what may be the cause.

As a jasoos, one of the best in the business, I am trained to look at things differently. I dig deep to find all the possible reasons for an event before ruling out the impossible ones to settle on the most probable one, howsoever improbable it might sound to you.

The hijab fight in Karnataka is happening for a reason. All this is part of a larger game plan to bridge the North-South divide.

I am sure you all admit this North-South divide is real.

The divide is visible on all parameters - infant mortality rate, population ration, fertility rate, poverty, etc. Now there are three ways of bridging a divide. You can either lift North to South or lift both so that they meet midway or lift South to meet North.

Now lifting North to South’s level is a huge challenge that will take years. Because South didn’t reach where it is doing nothing. In the decades when rulers north of the Vindhyas were ensuring social and financial justice for their families and clans, their southern counterparts were doing all that plus a bit of development.

The other option is easily achievable.

For this you need to keep the citizens busy. Don’t give them a moment to think. Give them a bone every day to fight over.

So when a hijab ban is announced by a college in some corner of the country, a few students will fight to wear it, many will fight to stop them from wearing it, many more will fight to defend the girls, and many many more will fight to defend the boys.

And everyone likes a good fight.

Public intellectuals, who till yesterday lectured Muslim women on how the hijab and burqa are regressive, now tell us they wear it out of choice. To prove their point, a few will start wearing the burqa too, some will start observing karva chauth, some might start wearing the ghoonghat, some will start wearing sindoor and mangalsutra. All this to tell us these are choices they make.

We men wonder what the fuss was all these years.

The response the hijab fight got in Karnataka and other southern states shows the plan is on track.

The Leader is bridging the North-South divide and he is doing a good job of it.

Why does Modi do what he does ?

Every ruler wants to be remembered for something or the other when they die. There never was any selfless work. Those who we remember for ‘nishkaam karma’ fooled us into remembering them for that.

Jawaharlal Nehru is remembered for being the architect of democracy in India. And rightly so.

Most of my student life I spent abusing Nehru – the man who sowed seeds of dynasty. I blamed him for Chinese aggression, Kashmir dispute, price rise, unemployment, poverty, hunger, pretty much everything I didn’t like. I never read much about him, or for that matter anybody or anything, but for me he was a villain.

It took me seven years of Narendra Modi’s rule to realize Nehru’s greatness.

A few months ago I was at a temple festival where my drinking buddies, all of them bhakts, cornered me, telling me how Modi is being victimized by everyone. One versus 10 arguing about Modi’s policies, but still he is the victim.

I said, “All these years I abused Nehru, I could do so freely, no one ever threatened me. I do that now with Modi the chances are I will not escape without a sound thrashing.”

That is why Nehru is the architect of democracy in India. Without him, India could well have become a nut case like Pakistan.

Poor Lal Bahadur Shastri didn’t rule enough to leave a legacy.

India Gandhi will be remembered as the Iron Lady. The Wonder Woman who won a war with Pakistan and split that country into two. The only war since WW2 to have a clear victor.

Rajiv Gandhi, unfortunately, will not be remembered for much. He was dashing and handsome, but that pretty much sums up his term. He was unlucky not to have ruled the country for long to leave a legacy.

Narasimha Rao perhaps would have been happy surviving his full term. But he left a lasting legacy. The man who transformed India. He is the reason I have a decent job in Delhi despite being an utter flop in studies. One could argue there was no escaping liberalization, but had it come 5 or 10 years later, I would have spent my post-college days standing in queues outside the employment exchange.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee wanted to leave a grand legacy. He wanted to solve the Kashmir issue, but didn’t reach anywhere. So did Manmohan Singh, but he too failed after 10 years in power. While they will be remembered for the economic reforms, welfare schemes, nuke test and deals, will they feature in school history textbooks 20 years down the line? Highly unlikely.

Now where does Narendra Modi stand?

Often people ask why Modi does what he does?

To win elections, one might say, but that goes without saying. There is more to what he does.

The PM started by wanting to be a superhero of sports. A leader who got India its rightful place on the global stage. That has got him nowhere.

Like a good batsman, Modi studied the pitch and paced his innings. The construction of the Ram mandir, the removal Article 370 and the possible enactment of a Uniform Civil Code in his remaining term will ensure he is remembered as the architect of the Hindu Rashtra.

Modi’s place is assured in history textbooks in the decades to come.

For good or bad, he is up there with Nehru, Indira and Rao.

But that is not enough. Modi’s dil maange more.

This is where the rebuilding of New Delhi comes into the picture.

The Dilli we have been taught about has many faces – Indraprastha built by the Pandavas, Old Delhi built by the Mughals, New Delhi built by the British. Add to that the Modern Delhi being built by Modi.

Years from now, when my grandkids visit Delhi, the tour guide will tell them, “On your right is the Parliament, this is the central vista where the govt is run from, that is the national war memorial, there is an Amar Jawan Jyothi there in memory of fallen soldiers, look at this Netaji statue, etc etc… All this was built by Narendra Damodardas Modi.”

You may want to forget Modi, but Modi is here to be remembered.

Kerala Model: Good, Bad or Ugly?

Last year in the middle of the first wave, a neighbor approached me, asking why I wasn’t going to Kerala where it is safe to be. “Jaan hai to jahaan hai”, he said. I stayed put in Delhi. As it happened the virus ran through Kerala as well – the state was the first to report a covid case and the last to peak in the first wave.

Today Kerala is adding more than 10,000 cases to India’s daily caseload every day. The whole country is debating the Kerala model. But why? And what should Kerala do?

Politics

Uttar Pradesh is up for elections. In the second wave, many families in the state lost loved ones. A photo of the departed member hanging on the wall is a grim reminder of the hell they went through those two trying months. Covid is a big election issue. The BJP needs to douse the anger. So its cyber army runs online campaigns pointing to Kerala’s current numbers. We were bad but Kerala is worse. Will it click? Nobody knows. But it certainly has worked as a balm for the diehard fans of PM Narendra Modi and CM Yogi Adityanath.

The numbers

The whole world has been shooting in the dark when it comes to fighting the coronavirus.

The main idea across the world initially was to limit the infections.

Different countries had different strategies. Island nations shut down incoming flights isolating themselves and it worked remarkably well for them.

Others imposed lockdowns. While it helped build infrastructure, reduce load on hospitals, it only slowed the spread of the virus and not stop it.

That was one major lesson learnt. The focus now was on limiting deaths.

Survival of the fittest

Onam is to Kerala what Diwali is to rest of the country. This is when maximum business happens in the state. Two successive years of zero business would mean thousands of traders suffer huge losses. So when the rest of the country is questioning relaxation of norms during Bakrid for three days, people in Kerala are demanding a lifting of lockdown, covid be damned.

Lifting all lockdown norms means racing to reach herd immunity. It also means survival of the fittest. We saw that in Delhi and other north Indian states. Many people I know died without getting proper medical treatment. 

Trust me, it’s a horrible sight.

Imagine spending a whole day working phone numbers looking for a cylinder and oxygen to fill it with.

Imagine hunting for medicines that don’t seem to exist throughout the day and returning to hospital without anything to show for the effort.

Imagine you are a thirty year old struggling to breathe… you can see your wife and friends frantically making calls for ambulances, hospital beds… you can see your little kids looking at you scared and puzzled at what is happening around them… you can feel life draining out of you, the surroundings blur into darkness… you want to say good bye, but can’t find your voice…

Trust me, it’s a horrible sight.

Natasha & Devangana: The Deepti Navals of Activism

This week two student activists ruled the Internet. Natasha Narwal and Devangana Kalita. 

The JNU students, who have been charged under the anti-terror law UAPA, were released on bail Thursday evening from Tihar jail after 13 months of incarceration.

It’s a classic David vs Goliath story.

Two twenty-somethings versus the might of the Indian State.

After a little bit of sloganeering and singing after stepping out of the prison, Natasha and Devangana interacted with the media. Only a few TV channels interviewed them, the one with Rajdeep Sardesai stood out.

The 15 minutes they were on the screen told us a lot about them.

They were not the Angry Young Women they were expected to be.

They were laughing away.

They did not look bitter.

They didn’t shout threats.

They didn’t shout threats.

They didn’t preach.

One of them loves fish curry and didn’t get it the entire year.

Their demeanor was endearing.

They were anything but the terrorists they are made out to be by the Narendra Modi govt.

They were the girls next door.

Natasha and Devangana are the Deepti Navals of activism. 

That is why such interviews trouble the middle class. Most turn their faces away from the screen.  They don’t want to face the truth.

It could well be one of theirs tomorrow.

They got a taste during the farmer toolkit controversy when Disha Ravi was arrested for alleged sedition after she shared a tweet or what was it. Sedition, mind you, nothing less.

In our days college students would do a few uthak-baithaks in the police station if they were picked up for holding protests. Natasha and Devangana spent a year in jail and could face many more for doing that.

Kesavan Mamas, remember this when you go to sleep every night.

Interview

Sudheer adjusted his tie. He rarely wore one, but this is an interview for a job, that too for a store manager. He lost his job a few months ago. His former company shut down a few divisions. They blamed it on the coronavirus, the lockdown, the sinking sales.

This interview is important. These days the classified pages in The Time of India are erratic. There was a time they came as a 32-page supplement, now they are hardly two pages inside the main sheet, and most are for teachers. Having applied for many positions, he has finally got a reply. A proper reply, not an auto-generated one. One with a zoom meeting id and pass code.
 
A few years ago, this meeting would have taken him to Delhi with reimbursement for sleeper class train fare. In Covid times a 40 minute chat on computer will do the trick.
 
The computer buzzed. Ramesh Kumar, the GM, was online. The name sounded familiar. A very common one, so hard to place a face to it. If it was a Thamarakshan or a Nalinakshan, there was no question of forgetting. But names like Rajesh, Ramesh, Rakesh…. They could be anyone.
 
“Good morning Sudheer. How are you?”

“I am fine sir.”

“We gather from your CV that you are jobless right now.”

“Sir, you know these are troubling times. Downsizing, upgrading…”

“You seem to have some experience in running warehouses.”

“Yes sir, I used to work in a C&F warehouse in Delhi.”
 
“That is what we are looking for. We have some space in Kochi. We have tieups with a few companies. Basically we will run C&F for them from this one warehouse.”

“Sir is this an existing business?”
“Not quite. We need someone who knows Hindi. Someone who can handle the labour.”

“I am proficient in Hindi.”

“Most of the labour will be from Bengal, Jharkhand and Odisha.”
 
“Not a problem, sir.”
 
“They can be handful for someone who doesn’t know their language. Communication is the key.”

“From ulloo ka patha to MC-BC, I have it all covered. Not an issue sir.”
 
“Sudheer, you are from Paravur, is it?”

“Yes sir”

“Where in Paravur? Which school did you go to?”

“Vazhikulam, I went to Pullamkulam school.”

“I too am from Paravur. I went to Samooham school.”

“I thought I had met you somewhere, that is why,” Sudheer tried to stretch his memory. ‘Who exactly is this chap?’

“You were into politics, if I am not wrong”

“We were clueless sir. Those days we were stupid. I am totally out of politics now,” Sudheer dodged the bullet. Trade unionism is the last thing you want to be linked to if you want a job in the private sector.

“Nothing to worry Sudheer. But I do remember one fight you got into.”
 
Sudheer didn’t know which direction the conversation was heading. 

“One near Poosharippadi. You guys were terrific.”

“Oh that one. We got into that brawl as a friend sought help. Had no clue what it was about. We just bashed up the guy.”

“That is the thing about friendship. One doesn’t question friends,” Ramesh said, “And you were a hero that day.”

“Sir I won’t brag about that. But the guy had it coming. You don’t come to our area and take panga with us. See sir I know Hindi slangs pretty well.”

“You gave him quite a pasting”

“Haan sir, now when I think about it I don’t remember his face. Actually we didn’t get to see his face at all. We were busy kicking him.”

“Oh, no wonder you didn’t recognise me.”

Sudheer’s face turned pale but he soon regained  his composure.

“To be fair to you sir, you were very brave. Never seen anyone fight like you.”

“What do you mean?”

“You held your ground against the five of us. Normal people would have crapped in their pants.”

“What are you doing in the stores, you should be in the sales division,” Ramesh laughed.
 
When the call ended, a voice came from the kitchen. “I have told you many times ‘don’t pick up fights, don’t fight up fights’ but you won’t listen. Now suffer,” shouted Sudheer’s wife.

Sudheer is an optimist. He is brushing up his sales skills now. 

Why Sreedharan did what he did

Everyone knows James Bond throws the best party in town. It is one party I have been wanting to attend for years now. How frustrating it is to be the best spy in business and yet not get an invite to Bond’s dos. My sources say the MI-6 agent may throw the best parties but all is not well there. For instance, at the last party they didn’t put the right amount of vermouth in his martini. At another one, Kerala beef fry was undercooked, giving the dish a very bad name. If only I was there, nothing of this sort would have happened.

This is why I not just know Sreedharan’s pain but also feel it. 

The Metroman has been waiting for that elusive invite to the one party he always wanted to be in, to serve under the one man he considers a true leader. 

In the five-year buildup to 2014, Gujarat CM Narendra Modi had shown how a state is governed efficiently. You guys might question the claim today, but honestly most people bought it hook, line and sinker then. Modi was supposed to handpick meritorious people in his team. Many waited in vain for that phone call, probably Sreedharan did too. 

Over the next seven years, there might have been many instances Sreedharan expected a call from his leader. Take the inauguration of Kochi Metro for instance. Modi came, shared a few awkward moments with Pinarayi Vijayan, cut a few ribbons and went back. There was no ‘moment’ between Sreedharan and Modi as one would have expected. No planted stories in the media about how the PM sought out the nation builder seeking his advice. I don’t know about Sreedharan, but it was a rude shock to the Metroman’s fans like me. 

After all these years of snubs, Sreedharan probably decided to take matters into his own hands. With the help of the state unit of the BJP, he has gatecrashed into the party he longed to join. 

Political commentators have been very soft on him. They have tried to psycho-analyse Sreedharan. They have described him as the technocrat par excellence, who, like his tribesmen, is afflicted by tunnel vision and is unable to see the social trends around him.  This would have been true had he joined the BJP in 2014. But not today, after all those murders over food habits and disastrous policy decisions. 

His interviews show Sreedharan is not the outsider out to practise a new brand of politics. Sreedharan in fact is trying to prove he is as true a Sangh insider as anyone can be. 

There is no need to mollycoddle Sreedharan. It’s time journalists and commentators drop the kid gloves.

Only Rahul can stop Modi, but will he?

Even during my toughest missions in the remotest areas hunting down enemies, even when I am busy seducing or being seduced by pretty spies and operatives of all kinds, even when I am getting drunk on arrack and rum, even when I am experimenting with truth, half truths and innocent lies… I don’t take my eyes off my primary objective – that is world peace. But that is not the case with Rahul Gandhi.

Rahul is a nice chap. A handsome old young man with no known vices and quite a tharavadi. In short,  sundar and susheel. Qualities any parent would seek when looking for a match for their daughter.  Now the problem is he is not seeking a bride but looking for votes, enough of them to unseat Narendra Modi in 2024 or even 2028.

Nothing he has done till now gives his fans the confidence he will be able to do it.

Look at this. Rahul goes to Bihar where Tejashwi is working up huge crowds with his promise of 10 lakh govt jobs and what does he do? He starts talking about demonetization. Agreed note ban was a blunder of gigantic proportions, but people have moved on, and don’t seem to mind the trouble DeMo brought on them. 

For Rahul, somewhere the fight has become personal.

He probably hates the PM who has slapped cases against the entire Gandhi family and bad-mouths the dynasty starting from Jawaharlal Nehru. Naturally so.  But he was not out there seeking votes to settle a personal score.

He probably thinks 'how does that dumbo rule the country while I sit in the opposition', but then the BJP says Rahul is the dumbo, and unfortunately for Rahul, the voter seems to share that view.

To be a politician you have to have two necessary qualities. One, he or she must be a good communicator. Rahul is not. Two, he or she has to be a cunning backroom player. 

If the BJP can build a Hindu umbrella alliance, who is stopping the Congress from a forming a Brahmin-Dalit-Muslim tieup in let us say, Uttar Pradesh.

If BJP can split votes by fielding Asaduddin Owaisi, as the Congress claims, what is stopping the Congress doing something similar to the BJP.

Rahul is neither a communicator nor a cunning operator.

Like I have written in a post earlier, a Priyanka or a Rahul won’t win the elections for the Congress just because they are a Gandhi. We have moved on from the dynasty and it’s time the party and the family realized that.

I don’t know if Priyanka can revive the party, but from the 11 years we have seen of Rahul, we can safely conclude he can’t.

Every time he joins a protest or supports a cause, the BJP is able to dodge the bullet.

For example the current farmer protests have cornered the Narendra Modi govt and what stands out is Rahul’s absence.

Rahul Gandhi must focus on the objective.

If the aim is to remove Narendra Modi from the throne, then Rahul must abdicate and let someone else lead the Congress into the next election.

If the aim is to be the chocolate boy of Indian politics, he has won the title hands down. It’s time he let someone else take a shot at that title too.

Mandir Needs Modi More Than Modi Needs Mandir

Ten days ago, millions of Indians watched Prime Minister Narendra Modi preside over the bhumi pujan for the construction of the Ram mandir. The seating arrangement was a message in itself. The sants and spiritual leaders got a place in the audience, the RSS chief, UP governor and CM sat a few inches back forming a square. The pride of place was reserved for Modi. 

Modi that day was the king conducting ashwamedha.

His critics were appalled to see the absence of Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi, they were upset to see the line between the State and religion converge. They called Modi the publicity hunter who stole the whole occasion for his sole benefit – the man who won't share the limelight with anyone.

I differ.

If Modi wasn't there, there wouldn't be a show to talk of.

Do you think people will switch on TV to watch Mahant Nithya Gopal Das and Mohan Bhagwat, or for that matter Advani, do the puja? Nah.

Did you see any buildup to the bhumi pujan off the TV screens. Many RWAs asked people to light up diyas and celebrate Diwali in advance. I feared I would be blacklisted if I didn't do it. But to my surprise in an apartment complex of 1,000 flats, hardly 10 to 20 households celebrated Diwali that day.

Do you see anyone rushing to donate money to build the temple?

Do you see anyone quitting jobs to do kar seva in Ayodhya, though you may argue enough jobs will be lost to coronavirus pandemic and there will be enough jobless people do the honours when the time comes.

Even when the Supreme Court gave its verdict, gifting the land to Ram Lalla, viewers switched off television sets once the ruling was read out.

The mandir movement died long ago. To be precise: on December 6, 1992. Narasimha Rao, knowingly or unknowingly, finished the agitation. Once the Babri Masjid was gone, the Hindus didn't feel the emotional connect anymore. It didn't win anyone votes in all the elections that followed over three decades that even saw 10 years of Manmohan Singh rule.

Half of India's current population was born after 1992, says an Indian Express report. None of them saw the rath ratra or the riots it triggered.

The excitement about the mandir is limited to TV, with much of its audience above 40 – the generation that actually saw or took part in the movement. The rest are on Netflix or Amazon or YouTube or any of the hundreds of OTTs.

That is not to say Hindutva is dead. Hindutva is alive and kicking. It has metamorphosed into Moditva, which is essentially Hindutva raised to the power of two. Mandir is only a small subset. 

It is safe to say the mandir needs Modi more than Modi needs the mandir.

Leader's China Policy

Indian Railways will go to any lengths to serve you better

SC rejects plea seeking relief for migrants

Oru Lockdown Madyanham: A heady appetizer

Haves and have nots – it’s the truth of human history and a story told a zillion times. Oru Lockdown Madyanham tells the same story but in a refreshing manner.

(You can watch the film here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qSd0oE8hchM )

It explores the great divide exposed by the great lockdown – which the IMF believes could be the biggest economic emergency since the great depression.

Oru Lockdown Madyanham tells the story through the eyes of two drinkers – not drunkards mind you, just drinkers. One in the city and the other in a village, one financially sound, the other not so, one with access to alcohol, the other craving for it.

It’s India’s first short film made on Zoom, an online meeting app.

One shot, no retakes.

Life as it is.

Critics are divided.

“He is super,” global film watcher Aanathala Aravindan is floored by the performance of Vazhikulam Rakesh, who plays the unnamed character.

“Liquor is a great leveler. But in this great lockdown, even alcohol has become the preserve of the rich,” Kinasseri Karunan says, “If this film doesn’t jolt the conscience of society, nothing will.”

“It was great watching the film, but I still don’t the purpose of the film,” says Kallu Vasu.

All agree on one thing,

Oru Lockdown Madyanham is a bold appetizer. It could lead to a new wave of cinema.

Irrfan: the Super Actor Among the Stars

“Hello bhaiyon or beheno, main Irrfan hu.... me aaj aapke saath hoo bhi nahi bhi,“ said Irrfan in his last message his fans ahead of the release of his latest film Angrezi Medium.

His words turned out to be prophetic.

Portrait by Green Chromide

Irrfan aaj hamare saath hai bhi, nahi bhi

He went as he came into Bollywood, without any fanfare.

A quiet good-bye to the master who found eloquence in silence.

Irrfan was so soft spoken, even when he was shouting, his villains were more adorable than the others’ heroes.

Irrfan could switch into any character as easily as changing robes, or did he just make it look that easy?

He could be the rebel, the troubled lover, the obsessive lover, the adulterer…

In his hands ordinary roles became good, and the good ones extraordinary.

His eyes spoke much more than he did.

Intense.

That was Irrfan in one word.

In his cameo in the Oscar-winning Life of Pi, Irrfan says, "I suppose in the end, the whole of life
becomes an act of letting go, but what always hurts the most is not taking a moment to say goodbye."

Cancer is so cruel. It puts you on notice, and gives ample time, not just a moment, to say the final good-bye.

Alvida Irrfan.

The Great Migrant March

What Modi is doing Manmohan couldn’t have done

Sometime when the the capital city was done with rioting, when the ruling party was plotting the fall of a state govt, when the country was busy wondering if the junior finance minister actually said goli maaro, an Opposition leader warned the novel coronavirus was heading India’s way and it wasn’t getting the respect it deserved.

That Opposition leader, you may find it hard to believe, was the Pappu of Indian politics - Rahul Gandhi. Now his fans are asking what if Rahul Gandhi was the PM and not Narendra Modi. Would India have been better prepared?

That is an unfair question to ask. We know what Modi’s performance is like but we don’t have any work by Rahul Gandhi that could be compared with Modi’s. When he could have become a minister and honed his skills under the best tutor he could possibly get, he refused. Instead he chose to wield the remote control to the govt even as he let his advisors remote control him.

Now one can argue, as I often do, it is better to have someone who does nothing than have someone who does demonetisation.

The valid comparison one can make though is between Manmohan Singh and Narendra Modi.

What if Manmohan was PM

We can safely assume Manmohan’s govt would have been prepared for the coronavirus crisis. We can expect that for many reasons. He has done it many times in the past, so he can sniff trouble when it comes. We would have had enough PPE kits, we would have mass produced ventilators, etc, etc.

Yes, there would be media plants on how Sonia Gandhi put her foot down, Rahul Gandhi put his best foot forward, how Digvijaya had his feet on the ground, while the sardar was always on the wrong foot.

In all that chaos, Manmohan would have ensured order, and seek no credit.

But we would still be unhappy. We Indians are like that. How many Indian victories we didn’t savour because Sachin Tendulkar scored a century and the match got over with a few overs to spare. Instead what we ask is why didn’t Tendulkar win that match we lost.

Now think of the present day. We didn’t plan for the novel coronavirus and we are where we are now. In such a situation Narendra Modi is the best PM India can have.

No other PM could have announced a lockdown at 4 hours’ notice.

No other PM could have asked citizens to bang their thalis and belans and katoris and made them do exactly that.

No other PM could have asked citizens to light lamps and candles and mobile flashlights and received total obedience.

In fact they did more than what Modi asked for. Like the old Hindi dialogue goes, Modi ne dil manga, hum jaan dene ko taiyaar hai.

No other PM could have made the Amit Shahs, the Ajit Dovals, the Rajnath Singhs of his govt fall in line so meekly. No hunt for headlines, no hunt for credit, it is all reserved for the Saheb.

No other PM will come out of the crisis unscathed and blemishless like Modi is going to do. The man is going to blame every failure on coronavirus - the failing economy, the social strife over citizenship law, the Kashmir distrust, the badly made dhoklas you get in Aggarwal’s mithai shop. You name it, it was all because of corona. And the countrymen believe it.

Some time last week, a message started spreading that we all have to stand in the balconies for 5 minutes to salute the PM. We were all getting ready to do exactly that -- some out of fear and some out of bhakti -- when a wise soul said it was a prank.

Good or bad, it is this unquestioned obedience to Modi that is going to save our lives in the pandemic, though many of us may not have a job to survive.

Jaan hai to jahaan hai.